How many times will it be necessary to warn the Congolese Nation and its foreign observers that a fire is on the threshold of its door, well camouflaged, but from now on it will soon ignite and ignite immediately? Sophisticated strategies are underway to transform the ephoria of the Congolese people (after the appointment of Joseph Kabila’s dolphin) into a very distressing lament. It seems compelling to denounce this desire that has woven everything to turn the Congolese expectation into a gaping hope, before it is too late.
Indeed, it is with consternation that BLO’s investigative team wants to make public the final decision of Congolese President Joseph Kabila, despite the presentation of his dolphin, when he continues to swear to his entourage « that he do not leave power and there will be no election « as we dream for 23/12/2018. The calculation of the plan which aims to erase the spirits the possible holding of the elections in December 2018 takes into account several scenarios, but the actors remain the same.
1. Joseph Kabila and Paul Kagame concluded a deal
On July 26, 2018, Louise Mushikiwabo, the head of the Rwandan diplomacy, assigned a mission to Kinshasa. Officially nothing has filtered through the depths of this contact, except the search for support of the latter for his candidacy for the presidency of the Organization Internationale de la Francophonie. Which is still true. This occasion gave rise to a concession ground where each party had to play first for its specific interests and then for common interests.
In this context, Kinshasa has guaranteed his support for Mushikiwabo against his opponent Michael, a Canadian, in the race for the presidency of the OIF. In return, Kigali had to guarantee to Joseph Kabila an irreversible support so that he does not lose the political power against waves of alternation claim which are to the point to prevail. The Rwandan side would have pointed out to Joseph Kabila that already, strong of his position at the head of the African Union, President Kagame is doing much in the direction of this step, but that it would not be enough. Kigali still needs to conquer the head of the OIF so that Kagame has almost complete power over the current fate of DR Congo. This is the argument that would have helped Mushikiwabo to gain with less effort the support of the Kinshasa regime in his favor.
However, in common, neither Kagame nor Kabila, has any interest in seeing the power they are immediately taken to Kinshasa. Rwanda fears not only the loss of income that will result from the deprivation of any possibility of continuing the looting of Congo’s natural resources, but also the risk of seeing the future regime of Kinshasa stand out by hardening that could lead to paralysis possibly even the diplomatic break with Kigali. Hence, all the Rwandan President’s dedication to help Joseph Kabila to resist as long as possible to power.
2. Kagame in an intense international diplomacy of Kabila’s game
Since Rwanda assumed the presidency of the African Union, President Paul Kagame has multiplied strategies with regional and international communities to make it appear that he has stopped supporting Joseph Kabila in his anti-democratic and dictatorial vision.
BLO has documented enough information that the Rwandan president is trying to sell this lie to the United Nations, the African Union, the European Union and African regional organizations. Since all opinions are at least convinced that Joseph Kabila can not handle himself against the current political storm, Kagame seeks to wash by accusing Kampala falsely of being the only support that would stain Joseph Kabila. Such deceit is to be denounced with the utmost energy, when we know how much Uganda has moved away from the regime of Kinshasa, from the moment the Congolese side refused to cooperate (even meeting Mbarara) to eradicate the terrorism implemented by the Kinshasa authorities in the Beni region and the ensuing massacres against innocent civilians.
In the end, it will be unearthed that the said terrorism is the combined work of Kabila and Kagame not only to keep Joseph Kabila in power for ever, but also to try to overthrow the Kampala regime as an obstacle to their path of ambition. Kabila and Kagame will then recruit people from Museveni’s staff to help them reach their goals in Kampala. We will remember here the sad story that led to the arrest of General Kallé Kayihura, former head of the Ugandan police, with several of his collaborators, as the best illustration of this issue (Kabila and Kagame were preparing to decommission Museveni by a coup).
In short, if there is a privileged ally who talks about President Kabila and helps him not to give up, he is certainly not the Ugandan president, but rather that of Rwanda. Museveni is on the contrary placed in the target of their coalition because it handicaps their plan to maintain the DR Congo and the Congolese people under the regime of their exploitation.
3. When the elections are over, Kabila opposes the preparation of the war
On the inspiration of his Rwandan adviser-counselor Joseph Kabila sees violence as the best strategy for diversion against the electoral process. And, currently, he believes that Congolese and foreign opinions are totally distracted by the presence of the dolphin. It is thus the opportune time to surprise the illusionists by the unexpected explosion of violence.
That is why, with the agreement of Paul Kagame, Joseph Kabila sent She Okitundu, Delhin Kahimbi and Kalev Mutond to recover the ex-FAR and interahamwe who still hang in Congo-Brazza. Meanwhile, countless Rwandan troops are exported to Kinshasa, Kisangani, Lubumbashi, Goma etc.
The clandestine return of the U23s from Uganda and Rwanda has been well squared since August 2017; they all completed their retraining in the Kitona and Kamina military centers, then redeployed to the FARDC in Bunia, Kisangani, Kinshasa, Goma, Bukavu, Beni, etc.
Francois Tuyihimbaze Rucogoza, former executive (executive secretary) of the M23, is empowered to continue the recruitment of new fighters serving the Kabila-Kagame duo. He is active in Rwanda and Tanzania, but also clandestinely in Uganda where he recruits Rwandan-speaking subjects through refugee camps in Nakivale, Kiaka I and Kyaka II, Cyangwale and other areas that present him. opportunity in Mbarara, Kabale, Kanungu and Kisoro.
Moreover, since the time of the M23 rebellion in 2013, Joseph Kabila has opened a path that channels mercenaries from Tanzania, Burundi and Rwanda to DR Congo. One of the seemingly paradoxical realities is integrating these mercenaries into both the regular army and the pro-Kabila armed groups or militias. By way of illustration, BLO’s investigations found that in 2013, Joseph Kabila brought mercenaries to North Kivu at the level of a battalion, one company of which was used as reinforcement to the M23, while remains have been incorporated into the regular army. BLO holds the proof of some of these mercenaries who are lying in Kinshasa prisons today, after being captured around Goma and in the Bunagana region by loyalist FARDC among the M23 in disarray in November 2013 (for reasons of security we keep their identities and prisons where they are shut up).
4. Everything is ready to launch the war immediately
Kabila is ready to launch the armed war against the Congolese. For this purpose, he has struck a special and parallel army. He worked extensively to build this army by relying on foreigners (especially Rwandan Tutsi and RDF army), rebellions and armed groups, while destroying the real Republican army.
The latest reshuffle at the head of the country’s military hierarchy is a strong signal of the fulfillment of this plan. All the cadres of the army command and other technicians who can stimulate a patriotic pride have been removed from the service. However, the horror to be feared does not consist in this decommissioning, but rather in the project of systematically eliminating all those valiant sons of the country devoted to defend the homeland, those real Congolese soldiers whom he has just rendered passive.
Here are some fireplaces organized to start fire on the DRC:
i- Violence actors prepared for the city of Kinshasa are:
– Rwandan troops infiltrated and dressed in FARDC constituting President Kabila’s first protection belt
– the « Bana Mura » (pro-Kabila Katangan militia, dumped into the Republican Guard)
– the « Kuluna » (groups of urban offenders supervised by the power in place in the city of Kinshasa)
ii- The actors prepared in North Kivu are:
– the M23 (in Goma, Rutshuru, Masisi, Nyiragongo, Beni)
– the false ADF (in North Kivu: Beni)
– FDLR and Nyatura (in Lubero, Masisi, Walikale, Beni, Rutshuru)
– NDC-Renovated (Walikale, Masisi, south of Lubero)
– mercenaries from East Africa (in Goma, Nyiragongo, Masisi, Rutshuru)
– Rwandan reinforcements from RDF
iii- The actors prepared in South Kivu are:
– Burundian rebels including the FNL
– the FDLR
– Rwandan reinforcements from RDF
– the mercenaries of East Africa
– May-May Malaika, which is an armed group backed by Emmanuel Ramazani Shadari, Kabila’s dolphin
iv- Actors prepared in Maniema
– May-May Malaika by Emmanuel Shadari
– the FDLR
– Rwandan reinforcements from RDF
– Burundian rebels
v- The actors prepared in Ituri are:
– Rwandan immigrants based in Boga, Tchabi, Shari, Ngongo and infiltrated in Djugu and Mahagi
– M23 infiltrators in Berunda, Bunia, Djugu, Aru and Irumu
– the FRPI (in Irumu)
– Kabila intends to resurrect the massacres of Djugu currently dormant
– South Sudanese rebels from opposition group Riak Mashar.
In terms of armaments, all the major cities of the country are stocked with huge quantities of war arsenals. The example of Kisangani is a better proof: more than 250 vehicles of cantoned military operations, tanks, impressive quantities of heavy weapons of all calibres, several hundred tons of ammunition, bombs and shells continue to be transported on site. The cities of Bunia, Goma, Lubumbashi, Kindu, Goma, Bukavu are experiencing the same reality. The main international airports in these cities camouflage anti-aircraft missiles … Joseph Kabila thinks he has deployed the necessary means to impose himself militarily, despite the apparent resignation he pretends to demonstrate on the battlefield purely political.
Moreover, it is important to bear in mind that the LRA and Mbororo rebels who have taken up residence in the provinces of Haut-Uélé and Bas-Uélé have been settled on Congolese territory by President Joseph Kabila since 2006. , as support forces to the regime in place.
These few mentioned foci are enough to understand that the explosion of fire on the country has no more delay. Joseph Kabila pretended to yield to the pressure of the people and the international community because he knew where his last resort was, namely the military way. After he himself started the war on these different homes, as he once did with the CNDP and the M23, he intends to trick Congolese and the international community that the country faces hostilities and rebel attacks. This will become a major reason justifying the suspension of the electoral process underway for the December 2018 deadline.
Hence, it is still within the framework of this anti-electoral strategy that Paul Kagame would once again have advised Joseph Kabila to dry the last summit of Angola of August 15, 2018, in order to avoid confronting the proposals from counterparts in the subregion stipulating the need to send international troops to clear the ground for free, credible and transparent elections by the prior elimination of armed groups that would make the elections difficult. Indeed, the target groups are unfortunately the FDLR and the ADF who are allies of the current Kinshasa regime.
Kazadi Joseph Bondeko
© Beni-Lubero Online.